Attorney Hanan Al-Khatib
 faraamaai- April 1, 2024

At the start of my career, the language used in prisons seemed alien, almost like an encrypted code. Over time, however, I gradually became familiar with the terms and phrases exchanged among prisoners—a unique lexicon referred to as the "language of prisons." Only those who have endured the hardships of imprisonment and the dealings with prison wardens can fully understand it. Palestinian prisoners developed specific terms as camouflage codes in their struggle with the jailers. Additionally, Hebrew terms have been integrated into their daily speech due to their interaction with Hebrew-speaking wardens.

Since the beginning of the war on Gaza, the number of arrests has risen to around 8,600, in addition to prisoners who have been behind bars since the 1980s, long before the Oslo Accords, some of whom have been detained for over 35 years.

In prison jargon, a prison is called a "fortress," often named after Palestinian figures or towns. A new detainee is given the choice of living with members of their affiliated faction. Fatah members refer to one another as "brothers," Hamas members as "mujahideen," Islamic Jihad members as "hajjaj" (pilgrims), and members of the Popular and Democratic Fronts as "comrades." Independent detainees are asked which faction they prefer to associate with and are then considered "under the umbrella" of a specific group, without the right to participate in its internal elections.

The heads of factions within the prisons are designated based on their affiliation: Fatah leaders are called "general guides," Hamas and Islamic Jihad leaders are called "emirs," and leaders of the Popular and Democratic Fronts are referred to as "secretaries."

Prisoners are not allowed to communicate directly with prison administration. Instead, each section has a representative known as the "dover," a term borrowed from Hebrew. However, since the onset of the Gaza war, the prison authorities have refused to engage with these factional representatives.

Prisoners are required to adhere to the "internal system," a set of rules governing their daily lives. Those who defy these regulations are labeled as "unruly" or "noncompliant."

Prisoners rely on purchases from the prison canteen, known as the "kantina," funded through their personal accounts. A detainee's account is established once charges are filed or administrative detention is confirmed in court. Families and the Palestinian Authority’s Commission of Detainees and Ex-Detainees Affairs deposit money into these accounts. Selected prisoners, known as the "hulya," are responsible for purchasing items and distributing food within the prison.

The prison administration conducts three daily roll calls, referred to as "safira." During these counts, prisoners must stand—even if ill. Since the war on Gaza began, testimonies from prisoners reveal that prison authorities deliberately enforce degrading policies during roll calls, including forcing prisoners to kneel facing the wall with hands on their heads. Access to the "kantina" has been denied, and there are daily inspections of floors and windows, called "floor and window checks," to prevent escapes.

During room raids and searches, an alarm signals a "state of emergency," locking down the prison and halting all external movement, even visits from lawyers. The special units tasked with raids and prisoner suppression include internal prison units and external forces such as "Metzada," "Yamaz," "Yamam," and "Yamar." Sometimes raids occur without prior warning or alarms.

Alarms can also signal emergency drills or interventions in prisoner disputes.

One of the most humiliating practices imposed by prison authorities is strip searches, referred to by prisoners as "arom." Prisoners are forced to remove all clothing for inspection, often upon arrival at a new facility. This practice has intensified since the onset of the Gaza war.

Prisoners transported between facilities, courts, or hospitals are handled by the "Nahshon" unit, traveling in vehicles known as "bosta." Many prisoners describe these transfers, particularly for court sessions or medical treatment, as grueling journeys, sometimes lasting up to three days. They are temporarily held in a "crossing" prison, a transit facility devoid of basic necessities, before and after their court sessions.

Prisoners continually fight for their rights and better living conditions. When the administration ignores their demands, they resort to "steps," or protest measures, such as refusing to stand during roll calls, returning meals, or staging sit-ins in the prison yard. If met with persistent intransigence, they escalate to hunger strikes, termed the "battle of empty stomachs." In retaliation, the administration imposes penalties, including solitary confinement, confiscation of electrical appliances, denial of family visits, bans on "kantina" purchases, or fines. In response, prisoners declare a state of "alert," preparing for potential confrontations, often signified by wearing shoes—a step referred to as "bastra."

Prisoners have devised creative ways to communicate among themselves and with the outside world, driven by necessity. These include smuggling cell phones, nicknamed "gazelles," or using "capsules"—small, tightly wrapped messages swallowed and later retrieved.

When a warden approaches the cells, a prisoner shouts "geymet" to warn others. Sometimes, the administration uses prisoners as informants, known as "sparrows," to relay information.

During interrogations, authorities often place a spy among detainees, leading them to believe they are in a central prison when they are actually in a "sparrow" section designed to extract confessions.

Prisoners have specific terms for various aspects of their daily lives. The bed, called a "barsh," is typically made of iron or concrete with a thin leather mattress known as "gummi." The slot in the door is called the "shanab," and the yard for exercise or walks, enclosed by barbed wire and under constant surveillance, is known as the "fura."

Since the war, prison authorities have restricted outdoor time to one hour daily, including time for bathing, confining prisoners to their cells for nearly 23 hours a day.

This lexicon remains a unique feature of Palestinian prisoners’ lives, reflecting their realities and struggles. It demands documentation and archiving to preserve it as a testament to the present and future memory.